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Along the Nakbé Trail © by Mike Reed
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Some
of the most exciting archaeology today is being carried out in the
Mirador Basin, on the northern border of Guatemala with Mexico. There,
a vast network of the earliest and largest Maya cities are being
investigated, representing a previously unknown flowering of the great
Maya civilization, reaching back a full thousand years prior to the rise
of the spectacular and celebrated Maya kingdoms of the Classic period.
This corner of Guatemala’s Petén lowlands was overlooked by
archaeologists for much of the past century due to its rugged karstic
topography, forbidding hydrological conditions, and remoteness from
areas of modern human settlement.
I
first ventured into the Mirador Basin in July of 2002, with a small
group that spent a week on a 155 kilometer loop trip on the trail system
used by the archaeological teams that have been carrying out research
for the past decade at some of the larger sites, including El Mirador,
Nakbé, Tintal, and la Florida. The rugged beauty of the primeval
tropical forest cover and the sheer scale of immensity of the numerous
large and small urban centers that cover nearly all of the rolling
uplands throughout the region held us in awe during that unforgettable
trek. Now, three and a half years later I was again in the saddle,
negotiating the twists and turns of the jungle trail system to further
explore the basin and take a look at the progress that had been made
during several years of intensive excavation, stabilization, and
restoration at some of the sites since my previous visit.
On
this trip, my friend Dwayne brought along two other members of the
Pre-Columbian Society – Niles and Gaye. Erik joined us all the way
from New Zealand, and Merlina and I came from California. Dwayne
arranged this pack trip with Henry Sanchez, a local tour operator, who
organizes and guides trips to archaeological sites in the region. His
father, Juan, 68 years old, and a former chiclero and xatero – gatherer
of forest products, came along as our cook. Having spent most of his
life working in the northern forests, he was a valuable source of
information on the plants, animals and Maya sites.
I
chronicled the first half of the trek in the June, 2006 issue of The
Codex – our unbelievably hellish first day, when a mis-communication
took us far off of our intended route, and through countless muddy
quagmires and inundated parts of low-lying basins called bajos, leaving
us utterly exhausted upon arrival at our first camp long after night
fell; our exhilarating next day’s ride through majestic high forest;
and our subsequent day of exploration at the vast metropolis of El
Mirador – the largest of all Maya cities. We were headed next to Nakbé,
the earliest Maya lowland city.
The Nakbé trail leaves El Mirador from the platform of La Danta, heading
southeast on the thirteen kilometer causeway built to link the two
cities more than two thousand three hundred years ago. Along the way,
it crosses several bajos and ridges. We soon found ourselves crossing a
tintal – a low scrub forest in a dry bajo, dominated by twisted and
fluted palo tinto trees. Many of them supported large furrowed cacti
with arm-like branches wrapped around the slender tree trunks in an
anthropomorphic embrace. The entire tintal was entwined in a dense
matting of arboreal vines, giving it the appearance of a dendritic
network of nerve cells seen under a microscope.
In the
daylight this bajo appeared very different than those through which we
had slogged during our nighttime swamp ride in the southern part of the
Mirador Basin a few days earlier. It was filled with light filtering
through the scrubby foliage. There were even splotches of sunshine
falling on the trail in places giving it a delightful – even magical
quality. Although we hurried along, it seemed the kind of place that
invites one to linger and savor the uniqueness of the strange vegetation
in all its bizarre shapes and combinations. I could not help but
imagine such a forest as home to the imaginatively weird supernatural
creatures that the ancient Maya believed inhabited this realm and so
vividly expressed in their art.
Archaeologist, Richard Hansen, the director of the Mirador Basin Project
suggests that the scrub-filled bajos that cover 60 percent of the
Mirador Basin today were shallow lakes and marshy bogs, called civals
during much of the Preclassic period, (2000 BC to AD 250). He is
convinced that the productivity of the soils and muds of those ancient
wetlands are the key to understanding the demographic and urban growth
in the Mirador Basin at the time. Intensive agriculture was carried out
on the margins of the lakes and wetlands, as well as in upland fields –
all using the organic-rich sediments of the bajos. However, Hansen
suggests that the high population densities and rapid urbanization
created great ecological stresses in the region. He links the
silt-clogged bajos encountered there today to the collapse of the
Preclassic urban network in the Mirador Basin, which took place around
A.D. 150. Recent analysis of core samples taken from bogs and wetlands
around the basin provide strong support for Hansen’s assertion that some
kind of ecological catastrophe indeed coincided with the rapid erosion
of upland soils into the surrounding basins, burying agricultural works
within the bajos under a deep layer mud and clay stripped from upland
urban and agricultural zones.
As we
crossed a section of bajo, I asked Juan about the economic value of the
palo tintos that dominate the bajos today. He answered by cutting a
small chunk of wood from a branch and putting it inside of a bottle of
water he was carrying. We would see the results later. In books on the
history of Central America, the role played by this tree invariably
comes up. A more unlikely economic draw for colonial Europeans can
hardly be imagined in the spindly palo tinto, hidden in what must have
been considered, God-forsaken swamps or dry season bajo brambles, and
located far from the Caribbean coast of Central America. But the bright
red dye obtained from logwood, as the palo tinto was called by the
English in Belize was lucrative enough for logging crews, mostly black
slaves to spend long months during the dry season cutting and hauling
the wood by mule to the coast for dye extraction and shipment to the
textile works of England.
The
dry bajo trail made for rapid progress to Nakbé, and I soon jumped out
of the saddle and enjoyed the fast pace of walking and the chance to
stop and check out interesting places along the trail. Erik and I kept
up a running conversation as we hurried along to keep up with the pace
of the mules. Dwayne was soon walking with us as we enjoyed the
coolness of the morning air under the thin canopy of the tintal. Just
before arriving at Nakbé, we climbed onto a broad raised causeway that
was soon lined with familiar palace mounds. My map indicated that this
was the Codex Group, adjacent to the main platform on which rests
Nakbé. Although the occupation of Nakbé falls entirely within the
Preclassic period, the Codex Group is a community dating to the Late
Classic (AD 600 to 900). This elite enclave, established within the
ruins of a city that had likely been abandoned before the beginning of
the Common Era, produced some of the finest examples of Maya polychrome
ceramics, known as Codex-style ceramics.
Similar to the small Late Classic community on Danta Pyramid at El
Mirador, the Codex Group was built among the ruins of Nakbé long after
the city’s Preclassic abandonment. One has to wonder about ancient Maya
living within their own fallen cities at the apogee of the Classic
Period. We have little with which to compare in our western culture,
but the Maya believed their cities were sacred places where shaman kings
opened portals to the spirit world. Maya cities were infused with
spiritual power by the very nature of their use. The most ancient of all
Maya lowland cities, Nakbé and El Mirador were held in particularly
profound reverence, following their abandonment, as Tollans – mythical
places of origin, where civilization was given to humans by the gods – a
concept with deep significance for all Mesoamerican cultures. It is not
too much of a stretch to imagine these Tollans as places of pilgrimage
for people who could trace their heritage back to the places where it
all started.
We did
not stop at the Codex Group, but continued to our camp. The causeway
soon climbed directly onto the great platform of Nakbé's West Group, and
we entered the camping area which occupies one end of a broad plaza.
Nakbé surely has the loveliest camp within the Mirador Basin. The
entire plaza is shaded by well-spaced trees and kept clear of
undergrowth, giving it
a
park-like aspect, with plenty of room to spread out. A sheet
metal-covered palapa for cooking and eating sits in the shadow of
Nakbé's tallest pyramid, Structure 1. Behind the cooking structure, a
trail leads into a complex of mounds containing what might be the only
truly “delightful” outhouse in Guatemala. This clean and tidy
open-front privy, neatly tucked into a small courtyard of an elite
residential group, looks out to the entrance of a looter’s tunnel in
another jungle-covered mound in a way that invites a kind of
contemplation well-suited to the task at hand.
Having
some time to myself while our camp was set up and the lunch prepared I
took the opportunity to reacquaint myself with the sacred precinct of
Nakbé, which is far smaller than that of El Mirador. I quickly
deposited my bags at the foot of a tree where the hammocks were being
hung and climbed the path onto the platform containing the main plaza
and principal pyramid complex of the city. Erik soon joined me and we
climbed to the summit of Structure 1, Nakbé’s tallest pyramid.
Structure 1 has a triad temple group set atop its huge truncated pyramid
base. The center temple is the highest and faces the main plaza, with
the two smaller flanking temples facing each other. Erik and I stood on
the summit enjoying the breeze and the view. Around us stretched a
great ocean of tropical forest that covers the northern Petén of
Guatemala and the southern part of the Mexican state of Campeche. This
wilderness is the last remaining large tract of uninhabited tropical
forest in Central America. During the past forty years it is estimated
that up to seventy percent of Guatemala’s Petén forest has been
deforested. Despite the huge loss of tropical forest that covered the
Maya Lowlands in Guatemala, Mexico and Belize, the remaining forest
appears as an endless expanse from the tops of the tall pyramids of the
Mirador Basin.
Returning to camp, we found our hammocks already in place and a hot
lunch being served. Somehow the vacuum-sealed
sausages, sold in every Guatemalan market tasted as fresh as when they
were packed in the ice-filled coolers, even though the ice had melted
days ago. Juan assured me that the water in the coolers kept sealed
meats fresh for long periods. In such a remote place, these packaged
sausages, really just franks, became something to look forward to
eating, along with the usual noodles or rice.
During the period that Erik and I ascended Structure 1, Merlina and Gaye
had discovered Nakbé’s fascinating water storage system set up at the
far end of the plaza, next to the guard station and eagerly accepted the
guards invitation to freshen up with a shower. The water for the guard
station was contained in an enormous bright blue rubber and canvas bag
resembling a large rubber raft. The blue bag generated a great deal of
interest in our party, perhaps because of its striking color, which made
it seem to glow from our camp, a hundred meters away. Having bathed the
previous day at El Mirador, I thought it hardly worth the trouble of
exposing myself to the mosquitoes, but it was celebrated as a god-send
by Merlina and Gaye.
We had
only that afternoon to explore Nakbé, so after lunch we lost no time
preparing ourselves for the grand tour. Leaving Juan to tend to things
at our camp, we made our way to the guard station where we were asked to
sign the register of visitors. I was surprised to find that we were
only the third group to visit Nakbé in more than six months. In
contrast, El Mirador is increasing in popularity among travelers willing
to do something different, and get away from the crowded archaeological
sites like Tikal.
For
most, the Mirador Basin trek is roughing it, although people’s
experiences range from the easy and delightful camping adventure, where
one only has to bear the long mule ride or hike, to the trip from hell,
where what goes wrong will go wrong. In this humid and dimly-lit
forest wilderness, full of mosquitos, ticks and poisonous snakes, a side
trip from the trail into the forest to relieve yourself could be the
last time you are seen alive – so they say. Most visitors are content
to make the strenuous one hundred forty kilometer round trip to spend a
day exploring El Mirador without having to endure the extra three hours
each way to see Nakbé. However, they are missing a gem of a Maya site.
Nakbé is nothing less than enchanting.
Close
to the guard station, we came upon a small garden plot maintained by the
site guards to supplement the food that is carried in on mules from
Carmelita where they live. The guards, who provide the only line of
defense in the Mirador Basin from looters, wildlife poachers and
border-crossing drug runners spend four weeks on duty, then three with
their families in their employment cycle. They are not thrilled about
being away from their families, but they have a steady job. The garden
was a bright green oasis of root crops in the shady plaza occupied by
the guard hut. Enormous leaves crowded the little plot, consisting of
macal, sweet potatoes, and manioc – all harvested by the ancient Maya.
A few meters away stood a tiny ring of meter-high sticks, overflowing
with tomato vines. Pleased at our interest in their garden, the guards
kindly offered us a sampling of their crops for our dinner that evening,
which we greatly enjoyed.
With much to see, we hurried along a well-maintained trail that crossed
the great platform of Nakbé’s West Group, then turned to the southeast
away from the sacred precinct. The trail was wide and the terrain even,
with beautiful forest cover and no large structures. From the scanty
details on the site map I carried, I assumed that we were crossing a
residential part of the city or an area of upland gardens and field
agriculture. I recalled seeing sections of this zone on other maps with
several rectangular areas marked as agricultural fields. Although not
marked on the map I was carrying, I knew that the broad ridge we were
traversing precipitously descended into a bajo a few hundred meters
south of the sacred precinct. Along the margins of the bajo wetland
agriculture fields were said to have been found. I asked a guard if I
might be able to go down to the bajo to check out these wetland fields,
but he replied that the bajo area was overgrown and the wetland fields
hard to identify.
Along our route, we passed several openings in the ground, identified by
the guards as chultuns – storage chambers the Maya excavated directly
into the limestone bedrock, which were used for food and water storage.
Chultuns were used extensively throughout the Maya lowlands during
ancient times and were not difficult to excavate into the soft limestone
bedrock, using locally obtained tools. After a short distance, we
turned onto another trail leading to a small area of exposed
bedrock. Pausing on the trail to remove my camera from its case, I
hurried to the clearing to find two of the guards removing what looked
like a limestone manhole cover that fit perfectly over a vertical shaft
excavated into the bedrock. Peering into the round shaft, I could make
out a platform about two meters below, with several steps descending
into the darkness. Erik, Niles and I volunteered to accompany one of
the guards into the chamber. The others would not consider entering a
hole in the ground in the jungle. Knowing the kinds of creatures one
might encountered in such places, I could hardly blame them.
The guard dropped into the shaft with a flashlight, and pronounced the
chamber safe to enter. I was assisted by the others in lowering myself
down to the small platform, where I quickly turned on my flashlight and
stepped down into a spacious rectangular chamber with room for six foot
tall Niles to easily stand. Aside from a small pile of stone blocks,
the chamber was empty. Several enormous cockroaches rested on the
walls, as well as a number of large cave spiders, looking threatening
enough for most to choose not to enter the chultun. The four of us
marveled at the condition of the chultun, which was still in good
condition more than two thousand years after its abandonment. Only the
few steps leading from the chamber up to the little platform looked
worse for the wear.
Leaving the chultun, we soon arrived at a wide causeway, a “sacbe” in
Yucatec Maya, connecting Nakbé's East Group with a small plaza atop an
escarpment that overlooks the bajo just south of the core area.
Causeways were important ceremonial avenues, along which elaborately
staged processions would ritually link architectural groups that were
strung out along ridges or separated from site cores across expansive
bajos. The irregular and random nature of the karstic topography in the
lowlands played a significant role in the layout of many Maya cities, as
their populations and most activities were confined to the upland
ridges. With most of the land covered by marshes and shallow lakes, the
dispersal of urban populations within their own sites must have been
considerable, making transportation and communication all the more
difficult. Thus, causeways connecting near and far-flung groupings of
cities were important for functional as well as ceremonial reasons.
The
causeway took us directly north to Nakbé's East Group, a compact set of
platforms where excavations have revealed some of Nakbé’s earliest
constructions. Entering the East Group from the south, we encountered a
pyramid on the left and a small plaza to the right. In the center of
the little plaza were the remains of a ball court dating from the Late
Middle Preclassic, 500 to 400 BC, making it the earliest-known ball
court in the lowlands. We could clearly make out the central playing
alley and sloping sides, which still contain the stone blocks in place.
Excavations indicated that the ball court had been rebuilt several times
in the Preclassic, then crudely resurfaced one thousand years later
during the Late Classic period, likely by members of one of the small
communities, like the Codex Group, living in the long-abandoned city.
Just beyond the ball court plaza, we came upon Nakbé’s E-Group complex,
also dating to the Middle Preclassic. E-Groups were among the earliest
architectural complexes built at Preclassic Maya sites and consist of a
pair of structures aligned for astronomical observations. Nakbé’s
E-Group dates from the Middle Preclassic, making it the earliest such
complex. To the east of this plaza, but on a lower platform we came to
Structure 59, Nakbé’s most massive pyramid. Though not as high as
Structure 1 in the West Group, Structure 59 has a larger base pyramid,
with a small plaza and a triad of temple-pyramids atop the base. We
enjoyed the serenity of the raised plaza, pausing to rest there before
climbing the central pyramid for the views and cool breezes. Across the
open expanse of forest visible to the east was a series of ridges
extending to the horizon. A few of the bumps on the forested ridges
were pyramids at other Mirador Basin sites, most likely at La Muralla
and Naachtun.
Returning to our camp, we found that it was getting close to sunset, so
Erik and I again headed up onto the platform of the West Group’s main
plaza. Along the path to the stairway of Structure 1, we stopped at a
copal tree, that had been pointed out earlier by a guard. I wanted to
collect some of the dried resin of the copal to demonstrate to my middle
school history students the burning of the sacred copal incense, which
is still used throughout the Maya regions today. To my delight,
attached to the bark and on the ground around the tree were small clumps
of the dried resin which I collected and stored in a plastic bag. Then
Erik and I made our way up the steep path which follows the main
stairway up Structure 1. From the top, the view of the heavily forested
bajos and ridges, bathed in the rich tones of the setting sun was
majestic. The low ridges between Nakbé and El Mirador were outlined by
their own shadows. To the northeast, La Danta glowed in the alpenglow
of the sunset.
That
evening at dinner, Juan brought out the bottle containing the piece of
palo tinto that had been soaking in water all day. The water was a deep
red – the logwood dye that brought English loggers into bajos like the
ones through we had passed. The tubers from the guards’ garden were
also added to the meal, each contributing its own distinctive starchy
consistency and flavor. The guards also came over, laden with ancient
pots and a large plate which they proudly displayed before us. One of
the pots was rounded on the bottom with a band of thumb impressions
around the outside, which appeared to cover a seam that joined the
grey-colored clay of its lower half to the reddish clay above. We
marveled about how the thumb prints enabled us to identify with the
bowl’s maker across such a span of time.
I stirred in my hammock at 4:00 the next morning, as Juan prepared the
morning fire and moved cooking pots around in the darkness. It always
seemed like I had barely fallen asleep when Juan would start rustling
around in the camp kitchen. This was another travel day and we had a
considerable distance to cover as we began heading back in the direction
of Carmelita where we had begun the trek only four days before. We
would cover the majority of the 70 kilometers today, making a lunch stop
at the unexcavated site of Wakná at my request. On such days our
morning routine was carried out mostly in the dark using our flashlights
around our hammocks and candles as we drank coffee and ate breakfast.
While we ate, our personal gear and the supplies were stowed in burlap
sacks and strapped to the mules. The mules always headed down the trail
before us, the mule skinner having been given instructions to meet us at
a certain place, usually the next campsite.
An hour
after daybreak, we left the camp on foot, walking the short distance to
the Codex Group. Whatever the reason for the existence of this elite
community, living on the margin of the long-abandoned city, the
exquisitely painted Codex-style ceramics produced there were prized by
Maya kings and are considered artistic treasures today. Codex-style
ceramics are renown for their courtly and mythical scenes painted in
fine black lines over a cream-colored base – some of the most vivid and
stirring artistic expression found on Maya pottery.
One notable set of 11 Codex-style vessels, the “Dynastic Vases,” lists
the names and accession dates of 19 early kings of the Kaan (Snake)
dynasty, a royal lineage that challenged the kings of Tikal for
domination of much of the lowlands during the Classic period. The Kaan
dynasty is identified with the huge site of Calakmul, just 35 kilometers
north of El Mirador. However, their presence at Calakmul is considered
problematic because of the absence of the Kaan title on Calakmul
monuments prior to AD 623. Recently, evidence linking Kaan kings to the
site of Dzibanché, in southern Quintana Roo during the 5th
and 6th centuries has come forth, creating a new direction of
inquiry to resolving the question of the origin of the Kaan dynasty.
In
2004, Mirador Basin Project epigrapher, Stanley Guenter suggested that
the 19 Kaan kings on the Codex-style Dynastic Vases are a record of 19
rulers, who governed at Nakbé and El Mirador until the abrupt
abandonment of much of the region around AD 150. As speculative as this
idea is, Richard Hansen is convinced that the Kaan dynasty originated in
the Mirador Basin. He points out that references to Kaan lords in the
written record at sites within the Mirador Basin provide evidence for
this assertion. The name of one Kaan king in particular, Great Jaguar
Paw, listed on the Dynastic Vases, appears in the giant masks flanking
the central stairway of Structure 34, in the Tigre Complex at El
Mirador. In this case, the mask’s ear spools are giant jaguar claws.
Guenter’s suggested scenario, arrived at by transposing the Calendar
Round accession dates on the Dynastic Vases to dates in the Preclassic,
places the accession of the Kaan dynasty founder, Skywalker at Nakbé in
393 BC, a date that fits neatly with the archaeological evidence for the
restoration of political and economic stability in the Mirador Basin
following a period of decline. Recent environmental and archaeological
evidence indicate a period of political collapse and partial abandonment
in the Mirador Basin and other lowland regions around 400 BC, a date
which marks the end of the Middle Preclassic period. If Guenter is
correct, the rise of the Kaan rulers in the Mirador Basin set the stage
for more than 500 years of unrivaled growth, prosperity and power for
this early state, an unmatched achievement among Maya dynasties.
The remains of the Codex Group form a compact collection of palace-type
structures set around small rectangular courtyards. Most of the
buildings are linear mounds of rubble today, but the excavation and
restoration of palace structures and a small temple around one of the
courtyards reveal typical architectural patterns of the Late Classic.
The rear wall of the temple extends to the top of the room, exposing its
vaulted ceiling and making it one of the most intact standing
structures at Nakbé. Behind the temple, a collection of thin poles lent
weak support to the precarious-looking rear wall.
In an
adjoining mound, a looter’s trench exposed the rear wall of a structure
faced with finely masoned stonework. The looters had broken through the
wall and hollowed out a small chamber, bisected by a layer of thick
plaster – the floor of a room. In the rubble beneath the floor were a
pair of small rectangular burial niches made from large flat stones.
These sub-floor niches were commonly used by the Maya elite to inter the
bones of revered ancestors. Ceramic vessels were often placed with the
bones as offerings to the ancestor’s spirit, and beautifully decorated
vases and plates are what the looters were after. It goes without
saying that the two niches were empty, save a lone tarantula that
claimed the entire space as its own.
Leaving Nakbé, most of the day was spent riding and walking through some
of the most magnificent tropical forest scenery one can imagine. This
trail was mostly dry and we made good progress. At various times, after
riding for a while, I found it refreshing to climb out of the saddle and
give my legs a good workout. I sometimes joined Erik, or Dwayne, or
Niles in snippets of conversation as we maintained a fast pace to keep
up with the mule train. The day was delightful for forest travel as we
raced along in the cool shade of the high canopy. At times, I
experienced moments of exhilaration, gazing out from my saddle perch and
absorbing the primeval setting of giant tree trunks climbing the gentle
slopes of the uplands above an open forest floor carpeted with green
ferns, with shafts of sunlight occasionally penetrating through the
canopy to the forest floor.
In the
early afternoon we arrived at a signpost attached to a tree indicating
the side trail to the site of Wakná. I had arranged with Henry to make
Wakná our lunch stop, which would give us the opportunity to take a
short walk through the site’s core area and check out some of its
architectural complexes. I didn’t know much about Wakná, and found very
little in my net searches, but I recalled attending a talk by Richard
Hansen a few years before, in which he excitedly described Wakná as a
major discovery of a huge city, and mentioned finding some murals in a
tomb there. What we found was a largely unexcavated site with a
concentration of very large pyramids and other structures, all of which
were hard to make out through the dense forest cover blanketing
everything, including the plazas. I had finally arrived at the kind of
“lost jungle-covered city” that everyone associates with the ancient
Maya, but rarely encounter.
We ate
our lunches amid the sawdust of a field camp under construction for
upcoming excavations. For now, the camp and ruins were deserted. After
lunch Juan led us a short distance into the center of the city, which
caught us by surprise when we found ourselves suddenly in the midst of
huge structures, their tops lost from view by the trees covering their
steep slopes. Erik and I quickly climbed up the closest structure which
proved to be more difficult than anticipated with the tangles of roots
and branches blocking our way. Descending, we caught up with the group
at the base of another steep structure. Juan was pointing out a
looter’s tunnel barely wide enough to allow a person to crawl into its
darkness. Remembering my brief but painful encounter with a hornet’s
nest at Tintal a few years back, I was not inclined to get on my belly
again for a peek inside. But the entrance was fascinating enough, with
several layers of thick plaster floor warped downward toward the tunnel
entrance under the tremendous weight of the rubble directly above, and
looking like a cross-section of a geological anticline exposed in a road
cut. Directly over the tunnel’s entrance, a huge rectangular block of
masonry protected the tunnel’s entrance from the load. The looters
obviously knew where to dig their tunnel.
Juan
told us we were in the main plaza of Wakná and pointed out a three-foot
section of the top of a stela, broken off and separated from its base.
The creamy-color of the monument’s face looked as fresh as the jagged
section where it broke, indicating that the exterior facing had been
cleaned of the effects of 2000 years of exposure to the elements.
Unfortunately, there were no visible signs that the stela had been
carved. Nearby, was a tall pyramid, whose top was lost in the trees.
Juan walked over to the structure and pointed out an enormous block of
stone at one corner and told us that the stone was part of the bedrock,
carved into a corner stone. We could see the vertical striations left
by the ancient masons as they shaped the stone using chert blades.
Across the plaza I could make out an unusually long structure with a
moderately high, flat summit. Curious about what it could be, Juan,
Erik and I left the group, picked our way through the tangles of trees
in the plaza, and climbed up the steep slope of the structure, exploring
its long summit. Initially thinking it to be a palace, I was surprised
to find only a few evenly spaced mounds on top. Months later, viewing a
map of Wakná’s center, I realized that the tall pyramid and the long
structure on the plaza were an E-Group, dating from the Middle
Preclassic – probably the largest ever found.
We
continued the long day’s journey through the forest, spending the night
at a makeshift chiclero camp at the site of Caracol, and arrived at
Carmelita by noon the next day, bringing to a close another memorable
trek into the Mirador Basin. Returning home, I found it difficult to
explain in any satisfactory way the grandeur of the Mirador Basin.
Describing immense ruined cities and their architectural complexes, and
interesting events of the trip was not a problem. However, try as I
might, I have found it impossible to convey the experience of the
Mirador Basin to those who have not been there.
Discussing my trip to the Mirador Basin with Richard Hansen at the
annual archaeology symposium in Guatemala City later that year, he
graciously complimented my narrative article about the trip, then
excitedly asked me what I thought about the Mirador Basin. I fumbled
for words, awkwardly trying to find the right way to express my
enthusiasm, but superlatives were woefully inadequate. The gleam in
Richard’s eyes told me he understood my dilemma. The Mirador Basin is
like no other place in the Maya world, or any other part of the world
for that matter, and words alone cannot convey the sense of place that
is there.